Freedom of speech and academic freedom
I’m not sure I can give this the treatment the topic deserves, but I’ll at least sketch out the issue.
Up until recently I’ve seen myself as a bit of a free speech absolutist. This has been driven a lot by the discussion on Dispatches from the Culture Wars, an excellent blog that I encourage people to read. This is in the context of the States, but I feel a lot of the talk (the comments are usually worth at least skimming) is generally applicable.
The major argument for a broad view of free speech is that we don’t really want the government determining what counts as allowable speech. Since the government is made up of people who are neither all-seeing nor all-knowing, nor neutral arbiters of the Law, there is the potential for controversial speech that you support also being banned. This is a particularly convincing argument for me, coming from an anarchist political background, given the censorship, and public, media, and governmental approbation this pretty harmless political philosophy has faced.
There are some particulars. In most cases, private bodies have some ability to restrict speech in their own domain, much in the way they have a certain amount of control over who they allow on their premises and who they hire. However, there are some constraints there. Private bodies have a limited ability to restrict who they allow and who they hire, because of various laws which make it illegal to discriminate while doing so. One might argue that this puts an undue burden on the private body, by preventing them from exercising full control over their property. But it also puts an undue burden on potentially unpopular minorities, especially visible ones. Thus, suggestions from Rand Paul and other libertarians, that governmental enforcement of no “whites only” venues was an illegitimate restriction of private property rights, ignores the vital role this played in changing entrenched social attitudes.
Back to free speech. Lately I’ve gotten myself in a bit of trouble. In two cases, I’ve taken an anti-free speech position that I’m not entirely sure I can support.
In one, a school was banning students from wearing shirts that said “Be happy not gay” during the Day of Silence. But some workplaces also have rules about non-discriminatory speech. Anti-sexual harassment rules are increasingly common, and they are intended to prevent a disempowered group from what are still seen as socially acceptable forms of discrimination. So I’m not sure how a “no harassing queer students” rule isn’t also acceptable. It could be that the shirts in question were not directed against a specific student, but that doesn’t seem like a good argument, since they’re directed at all students who are queer or queer-friendly. I read them as a form of intimidation, but that’s as someone who faced severe bullying problems throughout most of his time in public school.
In another case, a street preacher was detained for following a lesbian couple while engaging in anti-gay speech. In this case and the one above, I’ve argued that the speech in question acted as a threat, intimidating a non-privileged group which is frequently the subject of violence at the hands of people not unlike those engaging in the speech. And in the former case, schools already restrict speech to some degree, which I usually disagree with. Some of those I was arguing with suggested that these were not useful standards. Technically, anyone can claim to feel threatened by speech; as an atheist, and again with anarchism, I have often seen people claim to feel threatened in some way by speech that seemed entirely non-threatening to me. But I also think a judge ought to be able to decide, based on evidence, that a threat is valid or not. Do people not have the right to walk down the street without feeling threatened and harassed? But then again, I can’t honestly argue that people necessarily have a right to feel secure. Much of the last decade of politics in the States has been driven by an obsessive need to make people feel more secure, at a huge cost of liberty. And people often feel insecure when their beliefs are challenged, which can occur by someone soapboxing. I think the following thing is important here, but again, I don’t think it’s a clear-cut question of free speech.
Segueing into academic freedom, I’ve seen two more cases. In one, J. Michael Bailey had his class on human sexuality discontinued after an event where some speakers had sex in the classroom during a post-class workshop. Here, I’m a bit unsure. I don’t think Bailey should be teaching a class on human sexuality period, given his conflation of sexuality and gender; too, the people he invited to conduct the workshop are hardly pro-sex. One of their jobs involves given sex tours of their city, including a game of “spot the ho” while driving around, which hardly seems sex positive. So here, I suggested I was just glad that Bailey wasn’t going to be teaching students dubious things about sexuality. That being said, it’s true that the class was cancelled for the wrong reason. I’m not sure if I would have come down on the school’s side if the researcher had been one I supported. And even if it was for the right reasons, does the school have a right to shut down a class if they feel the teacher isn’t competent to teach it? They aren’t obligated to give everyone a class to teach, and the school, having limited resources, decides which classes to offer and which to reject. But then again, I would have been mad if they’d shut down a class by a teacher I considered truly sex-positive. I think part of my motivation was due to a lot of people I read going on about this awesome sex class being shut down, without mentioning that the guy’s an ass. It was being made out as an unmitigated evil; no one was really approaching the issue as one of a principled stand for free speech, but as the school harming someone we ought to support because they’re a maverick who challenges conventional attitudes towards sex.
This lastly brings me to Satoshi Kanazawa. Now, let me say firstly that the guy’s a bit of a nut, and he’s been castigated repeatedly by scientists and laypeople both online and in the literature. Just recently he claimed that data from the Add Health study showed that black women are objectively less attractive than other women, in his view likely due to higher levels of testosterone. The “objective” data were collected using a Likert scale by several interviewers; the “subjective” data were collected by self-scoring on a similar scale. This was published on his blog on Psychology Today. There have been a bunch of good takedowns of his work, but in the interest of fairness I’ll point out two from other Psychology Today bloggers. One deconstructs Kanazawa’s use of “objective” and his description of factor analysis, as well as discussing why the work counts as pseudoscience and needs to be refuted. It is this pseudoscience, the author says, that needs to be confronted, and that the confrontation is motivated by the desire for good science, rather than bad, and not by “political correctness”. The other re-analyzes the same data, using more competent techniques, and suggests that investigations or re-assessments of Kanazawa’s positions at the LSE and on Psychology Today are valid, because “academic freedom does not entail the right (1) to misinterpret data and (2) to ignore empirical findings that go against stated claims.” I strongly suggest reading both.
This is an interesting thought to me. Academia is often a somewhat parallel world. I wonder how free speech and academic freedom on the one hand measure against academic responsibilities on the other. If what you’re saying can definitively be shown to be false, or if it can be shown that you have wilfully ignored, misinterpreted, or manipulated the data your claim is based on, how much protection should you have? And should this idea apply only within academia, or more generally?
I’ll leave with a quote by Hunt and Carlson (pdf):
“When scientists deal with investigations that have relevance to immediate social policies, as studies of group differences can have, it is the duty of scientists to exercise a higher standard of scientific rigor in their research than would be necessary when the goal of the research is solely to advance exploration within science itself. We do not, at any time, argue that certain knowledge should be forbidden on the grounds that it might be used improperly. We do argue that when there is a chance that particular findings will be quickly translated into public debates and policy decisions it is the duty of the scientist to be sure that those findings are of the highest quality.”
